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If Justice is not blind...should contributions to judges be?

Appeal_letter John Grisham's novel, The Appeal, is attracting a fair amount of attention to how state judicial elections are increasingly flush with financing from contestants at the bar.  Justice Sandra Day O'Connor is an emerging spokeswoman for reforms, of which there is a well-researched and lengthy menu to choose from.

Is it possible for a popular novel to deliver a consensus for arcane reform?  Maybe.  Okay, maybe is a little generous.

Is it conceivable that a simpler approach, like the secret donation booth, might, like Grisham's novel, catch on more quickly?  There is an advantage to simple, resonant analogies.

Countyelection_2 The County Election is a 19th century painting by George Caleb Bingham.  Here's the background, from A Brief Illustrated History of Voting by Douglas Jones at the University of Iowa:

The conduct of elections has changed in many ways over the past 200 years. The extent of these changes is nicely illustrated by a comparison of today's voting practices with those illustrated in George Caleb Bingham's painting, The County Election (Figure 1). In addition to being a noteworthy artist, Bingham was a successful politician; this painting shows a polling place on the steps of the courthouse in Saline County, Missouri, in 1846.

In this painting, we see the judge (top center) administering an oath to a voter.  The voter (in red) is swearing, with his hand on the bible, that he is entitled to vote and has not already done so.  There was no system of voter registration, so this oath and the possibility that the judge or someone else in the vicinity of the polls might recognize him if he came back was all that prevented a voter from voting again and again.

There was no right to a secret ballot; having been sworn in, the voter simply called out his choices to the election clerks who sit on the porch behind the judge tallying the vote.  Each clerk has a pollbook in which he writes the voter's name and records his votes; multiple pollbooks were a common defense against clerical error. There are several people in the painting holding paper tickets in their hands.  We know that these were not paper ballots because Missouri continued to use voice voting until 1863.  In a general election, however, many voters might have wanted to bring their own notes to the polling place.

Campaigning at the polling place was legal and common.  The man in blue tipping his hat to the voter immediately behind the man taking the oath is one of the candidates in this election, E. D. Sappington, who lost to Bingham by one vote.  He's handing out his calling cards so that people can easily read off his name to vote for him.

Voice votes offer modest protection against fraudulent vote counts:  An observer can easily maintain an independent tally of the votes, and since there is no ballot box, it cannot be stuffed.  On the other hand, the lack of privacy means that voters are open to bribery and intimidation; an employer can easily demand, for example, that his employees vote as required, and a crook can easily offer to pay a voter if he votes a certain way.

How different is this scene from the judicial campaign fundraisers that Justice O'Connor decries?  Fortunately, the solution need not be too different either.

Justice_is_blind_2 The secret ballot is an innovation of Australian democracy, imported to America later in the nineteenth century, in response to problems illustrated in Bingham's painting and, more recently, in scenes from Martin Scorsese's Gangs of New York.   

Might the secret donation booth, imagined initially for federal elections, offer a path away from state judicial elections that have become as blind to money as...a character in a Scorsese film?

Full transparency

Proving Ian's point a week later (from the Washington Post on 2/14/8):

The National Association of Home Builders, one of the top 10 corporate donors to politicians, has stopped contributing to congressional candidates after it failed to get what it wanted in recent anti-recession legislation."

The full story is here.

Who’s Against Transparency in Government?

Ian Ayres guest blogs at The New York Times :

Transparency in government has a glorious tradition. Justice Louis Brandeis long ago said, “publicity is justly commended as a remedy for social and industrial diseases. Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants; electric light the most efficient policeman.” But there exists in our government a central mechanism of democracy that stands against this cult of disclosure — the voting booth. Ballot secrecy was adopted toward the end of the nineteenth century to deter political corruption. Before the secret ballot, people could buy your vote and hold you to your bargain by watching you place that vote. Voting booth privacy disrupted the economics of vote buying, making it much more difficult for candidates to buy votes because, at the end of the day, they could never be sure who had voted for them....

Adam Liptak recently reported on another study showing that the decisions of judges are biased in favor of their contributors:

In nearly half of the [Louisiana Supreme Court cases reviewed], over a 14-year period [that] ended in 2006, a litigant or lawyer had contributed to at least one justice, sometimes recently and sometimes long before. On average, justices voted in favor of their contributors 65 percent of the time, and two of the justices did so 80 percent of the time.

But instead of stepping away from the democratic advantages of judicial elections, it would be possible to mandate that contributions to judicial candidates be given anonymously — through something like a donation booth or a blind trust.

Read the full post here.

Do Not Pass Go. Do not collect $200.

Today the Supreme Court announced its decision, by a 5-4 vote along the court's new and increasingly familiar left-right cleavage, to effectively re-open corporate and union coffers to unlimited pre-election advertising.  The cycle of reform and retrenchment in campaign finance regulation, a constant over the past century, is swung round once again to equate money with speech.  Bruce Ackerman and Ian Ayres anticipate the result today in Slate:

Even though the latest Gallup poll shows John McCain to be the favorite of 18 percent of Republicans, compared to 7 percent for Romney, McCain is on the ropes because he isn't raising enough money to keep up. The betting markets say that Romney is twice as likely to win the nomination. John Edwards' standing is also threatened by his relatively low fund-raising totals; he came up with only $14 million in the first quarter compared to Hillary Clinton's record-breaking $25 million. If the Federal Election Commission reports another disappointing performance at the end of this month, the media might declare Edwards a "second tier" candidate and deprive him of a fair chance to plead his case in Iowa by downgrading his press coverage.

It's not surprising that McCain and Edwards are having a particularly tough time raising money from big givers. McCain's advocacy of campaign reform has never been a favorite among top donors, and Edwards' sharp turn to the left isn't a big crowd-pleaser, either­, at least when the crowd consists of the small group of Americans who can deliver $2,300 apiece from a bunch a friends or business associates. Our present money primary doesn't even pretend to be consistent with the one person-one vote principles that govern our democracy­ and in the disconnect between poll numbers and contribution levels, we are beginning to see the distorting consequences. With big primaries pushed into February, candidates need money now to compete effectively. The current setup is a standing invitation for big givers to determine the choices that ordinary voters will be allowed to confront at the polls.


Scotch Deliberation

No, this is not a post about the comparative weighing of a few well-aged malts.  The title should really be Scottish deliberation. 

As the manoeuvring and positioning of those who aspire to shape civic Scotland and public opinion on constitutional matters begins in earnest; with the Independence Convention, the Constitutional Commission, YouScotland and others, preparing ‘official launch’ events in the coming weeks and months, perhaps we should be asking more profound questions about the nature of democratic participation....So what might this mean in practice as opposed to simply in the pages of journals of political theory? Well, one oft-quoted example is that of Fishkin’s Deliberative PollingTM which actually might well be of real value in exploring Scotland’s constitutional future. It has already been used in Australia to debate whether or not that country should become a republic and in a number of other countries, including the UK. A major new Europe-wide event is planned for later this year.

You can read it all at Scottish Futures.

Another DP takes on social cleavages - this time in Bulgaria

A representative cross-section of Bulgarians endorsed policies to integrate the Roma, an outcast ethnic minority, in a Deliberative Poll that took place April 14-15 in Sofia.  After the deliberations a significant number of the 255 participants changed their views, in favor of steps to foster integration across a major social cleavage, similar to the results of a DP on education in Northern Ireland that took place in January.  As the New York Times reported,

[The results] appeared to indicate that most Bulgarians were more willing to support measures to integrate Roma into society, even though nationalist politicians use increasingly hostile language towards them.  'The general feeling from the debates,' [Bulgarian Prime Minister Sergei Stanishev] said, was that 'there is a high level of tolerance, which is the most important condition for their integration.'

For a full report on the DP, click here.  For information on DPs from Northern Ireland to China to Texas,  visit the Center for Deliberative Democracy.